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    Since DNA evidence shows that Central Asia was among the first places peopled after humans left Africa, the ancestors of the Pashtuns may have been in the area for an incredibly long time—so long that they no longer even tell stories of having come from someplace else.

    The Hindu origin story, the Rigveda , which was created as early as B. It seems likely that the ancestors of the Pashtun have been in the area for at least 4, years, then, and probably far longer.

    Many scholars believe that the Pashtun people are descended from several ancestral groups. Likely the foundational population were of eastern Iranian origin and brought the Indo-European language east with them.

    They probably mixed with other peoples, including possibly the Kushans , the Hephthalites or White Huns, Arabs, Mughals, and others who passed through the area.

    Specifically, Pashtuns in the Kandahar region have a tradition that they are descended from the Greco-Macedonian troops of Alexander the Great , who invaded the area in B.

    The Lodi Dynasty to C. Up until the late nineteenth century C. The Pashtuns of Afghanistan and Pakistan had to be distinguished from other people in Afghanistan, such as the ethnic Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazara.

    Most Pashtuns today are Sunni Muslims, although a small minority are Shi'a. As a result, some aspects of Pashtunwali seem to derive from Muslim law, which was introduced long after the code first developed.

    For example, one important concept in Pashtunwali is the worship of a single god, Allah. After the Partition of India in , some Pashtuns called for the creation of Pashtunistan, carved from the Pashtun-dominated areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan.

    Although social and religious customs still heavily dictate that all men must marry one or more women and have children, these marriages are often devoid of love and affection, and are treated as practical, mandated arrangements.

    While the Afghan environment has grown more conducive to improving women's social statuses, the continued normalization of bacha bazi will perpetuate the traditional view of women as second-class citizens — household fixtures meant for child-rearing and menial labor, and undeserving of male attraction and affection.

    The third unfortunate consequence of bacha bazi is its detrimental bearing on the perpetual state of conflict in Afghanistan, especially in the southern Pashtun-dominated countryside.

    Because paedophilia and sodomy were, and remain, a main point of contention between the Islamist Taliban and traditional Pashtun warlords, the widespread nature of bacha bazi likely continues to fuel the Taliban's desire to reassert sharia law.

    The adolescent victims are vulnerable to Taliban intimidation and may be used to infiltrate the Afghan government and security forces.

    The resurgence of bacha bazi since the Taliban's defeat and the significant percentage of government, police, and military officials engaged in the practice has put the United States and its NATO allies in a precarious position.

    Going forward, the strong Western moral aversion to pedophilia will likely erode the willingness of NATO and international philanthropic agencies to continue their support for Afghanistan's development in the post-transition period.

    Despite the grave nature of the child abuse committed across Afghanistan, this tragic phenomenon has received relatively little global attention.

    It has been highlighted mainly in sporadic news articles and one Afghan-produced documentary, while other Afghan issues such as women's rights and poverty are center stage.

    From a human rights perspective, the pervasive culture of paedophilia deserves substantial international consideration due to its detrimental effects — the immediate and noticeable effects on the young victims, as well as the roadblocks it creates towards achieving gender equality and peace.

    The only way to tackle both bacha bazi and gender inequality is to modernize Afghanistan's rule of law system. Afghan officials have been scrutinized in multiple reports by the United Nations' Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict for their failure to protect children's rights.

    Although Afghan officials formally agreed to outlaw these practices in response to UN criticism in , the government's ability and willingness to internally enforce laws protecting children has been non-existent.

    If a future Afghan government can achieve a balance between the Taliban, who strictly enforced anti-paedophilia laws but harshly oppressed women, and the current administration, which has put an end to the hard-line Islamic subjugation of women but has allowed bacha bazi to reach shocking levels, Afghanistan's dismal human rights record may improve.

    An additional strategy for combating bacha bazi is to attack the issue from an ethno-cultural standpoint. Identifying key tribal elders and other local powerbrokers who share the West's revulsion towards such widespread paedophilia is the first step in achieving lasting progress.

    As is true with women's rights, understanding Afghanistan's complex social terrain and bridging its cultural differences is necessary to safeguard the rights of adolescent boys.

    The Afghan government's acknowledgement of bacha bazi and subsequent outreach into rural Pashtun communities, where the legitimacy of the government is often eclipsed by the power of warlords and tribal elders, will also be critical.

    The most important breakthrough, of course, will come when the Afghan government, police, and military rid themselves of all pedophiles.

    If the central government can ensure its representatives at the local level will cease their engagement in bacha bazi, the social norms are bound to change as well.

    Eliminating this truly damaging practice will finally occur when a paedophile-free Afghan government is able to more closely connect the country's urban centers to its rural countryside.

    Only then will a progressive social code be established. And if this evolved social code can incorporate the tenets of Islam with social justice and effectively marginalize the archaic and abusive aspects of Pashtun and Tajik warlord culture, there is hope for Afghanistan yet.

    Chris Mondloch served as an analyst for the U. Marine Corps for five years and directed intelligence production for the Corps' Economic Political Intelligence Cell in Helmand province in Already have an account?

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    Occurring frequently across southern and eastern Afghanistan's rural Pashtun belt and with ethnic Tajiks in the northern Afghan countryside, bacha bazi has become a shockingly common practice.

    Afghanistan's mujahideen warlords, who fought off the Soviet invasion and instigated a civil war in the s, regularly engaged in acts of paedophilia.

    The Taliban had a deep aversion towards bacha bazi, outlawing the practice when they instituted strict nationwide sharia law.

    Once they came to power, bacha bazi became taboo, and the men who still engaged in the practice did so in secret. When the former mujahideen commanders ascended to power in after the Taliban's ouster, they brought with them a rekindled culture of bacha bazi.

    Today, many of these empowered warlords serve in important positions, as governors, line ministers, police chiefs and military commanders.

    Since its post revival, bacha bazi has evolved, and its practice varies across Afghanistan. According to military experts I talked to in Afghanistan, the lawlessness that followed the deposing of the Taliban's in rural Pashtunistan and northern Afghanistan gave rise to violent expressions of paedophilia.

    Boys were raped, kidnapped and trafficked as sexual predators regained their positions of regional power. As rule of law mechanisms and general order returned to the Afghan countryside, bacha bazi became a normalized, structured practice in many areas.

    Military officials have observed that Afghan families with an abundance of children are often keen to provide a son to a warlord or government official — with full knowledge of the sexual ramifications — in order to gain familial prestige and monetary compensation.

    Whereas bacha bazi is now largely consensual and non-violent, its evolution into an institutionalized practice within rural Pashtun and Tajik society is deeply disturbing.

    The fact that bacha bazi, which has normalized sodomy and child abuse in rural Afghan society, developed within a deeply fundamentalist Islamic region of the world is mystifying.

    Sheltered by their pastoral setting and unable to speak Arabic — the language of all Islamic texts — many Afghans allow social customs to trump religious values, including those Quranic verses eschewing homosexuality and promiscuity.

    Warlords who have exploited Islam for political or personal means have also promulgated tolerance for bacha bazi.

    The mujahideen commanders are a perfect example of this — they fought communism in the name of jihad and mobilized thousands of men by promoting Islam, while sexually abusing boys and remaining relatively secular themselves.

    The rampant paedophilia has a number of far-reaching detrimental consequences on Afghanistan's development into a functional nation.

    The first — and most obvious — consequence of bacha bazi is the irreparable abuse inflicted on its thousands of victims.

    Because it is so common, a significant percentage of the country's male population bears the deep psychological scars of sexual abuse from childhood.

    Some estimates say that as many as 50 percent of the men in the Pashtun tribal areas of southern Afghanistan take boy lovers, making it clear that paedophilia is a pervasive issue affecting entire rural communities.

    Many of the prominent Pashtun men who currently engage in bacha bazi were likely abused as children; in turn, many of today's adolescent victims will likely become powerful warlords or government-affiliated leaders with boy lovers of their own, perpetuating the cycle of abuse.

    A second corrupting, and perhaps surprising, consequence of bacha bazi is its negative impact on women's rights in Afghanistan.

    Although social and religious customs still heavily dictate that all men must marry one or more women and have children, these marriages are often devoid of love and affection, and are treated as practical, mandated arrangements.

    While the Afghan environment has grown more conducive to improving women's social statuses, the continued normalization of bacha bazi will perpetuate the traditional view of women as second-class citizens — household fixtures meant for child-rearing and menial labor, and undeserving of male attraction and affection.

    The third unfortunate consequence of bacha bazi is its detrimental bearing on the perpetual state of conflict in Afghanistan, especially in the southern Pashtun-dominated countryside.

    Because paedophilia and sodomy were, and remain, a main point of contention between the Islamist Taliban and traditional Pashtun warlords, the widespread nature of bacha bazi likely continues to fuel the Taliban's desire to reassert sharia law.

    The adolescent victims are vulnerable to Taliban intimidation and may be used to infiltrate the Afghan government and security forces. The resurgence of bacha bazi since the Taliban's defeat and the significant percentage of government, police, and military officials engaged in the practice has put the United States and its NATO allies in a precarious position.

    Going forward, the strong Western moral aversion to pedophilia will likely erode the willingness of NATO and international philanthropic agencies to continue their support for Afghanistan's development in the post-transition period.

    Despite the grave nature of the child abuse committed across Afghanistan, this tragic phenomenon has received relatively little global attention.

    It has been highlighted mainly in sporadic news articles and one Afghan-produced documentary, while other Afghan issues such as women's rights and poverty are center stage.

    From a human rights perspective, the pervasive culture of paedophilia deserves substantial international consideration due to its detrimental effects — the immediate and noticeable effects on the young victims, as well as the roadblocks it creates towards achieving gender equality and peace.

    The only way to tackle both bacha bazi and gender inequality is to modernize Afghanistan's rule of law system. Afghan officials have been scrutinized in multiple reports by the United Nations' Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict for their failure to protect children's rights.

    Although Afghan officials formally agreed to outlaw these practices in response to UN criticism in , the government's ability and willingness to internally enforce laws protecting children has been non-existent.

    If a future Afghan government can achieve a balance between the Taliban, who strictly enforced anti-paedophilia laws but harshly oppressed women, and the current administration, which has put an end to the hard-line Islamic subjugation of women but has allowed bacha bazi to reach shocking levels, Afghanistan's dismal human rights record may improve.

    An additional strategy for combating bacha bazi is to attack the issue from an ethno-cultural standpoint. Identifying key tribal elders and other local powerbrokers who share the West's revulsion towards such widespread paedophilia is the first step in achieving lasting progress.

    As is true with women's rights, understanding Afghanistan's complex social terrain and bridging its cultural differences is necessary to safeguard the rights of adolescent boys.

    The Afghan government's acknowledgement of bacha bazi and subsequent outreach into rural Pashtun communities, where the legitimacy of the government is often eclipsed by the power of warlords and tribal elders, will also be critical.

    The most important breakthrough, of course, will come when the Afghan government, police, and military rid themselves of all pedophiles.

    If the central government can ensure its representatives at the local level will cease their engagement in bacha bazi, the social norms are bound to change as well.

    Eliminating this truly damaging practice will finally occur when a paedophile-free Afghan government is able to more closely connect the country's urban centers to its rural countryside.

    Only then will a progressive social code be established. And if this evolved social code can incorporate the tenets of Islam with social justice and effectively marginalize the archaic and abusive aspects of Pashtun and Tajik warlord culture, there is hope for Afghanistan yet.

    Chris Mondloch served as an analyst for the U. Marine Corps for five years and directed intelligence production for the Corps' Economic Political Intelligence Cell in Helmand province in See also: Pashtun nationalism.

    Main article: Pashtun diaspora. See also: Pathans in India. Main article: Pashtun culture. See also: Pashtun cuisine and Pashtun dress.

    Main article: Pashtunwali. Main article: Pashto literature and poetry. Further information: Pashto media , Pashto music , and Pashto cinema.

    Further information: Sport in Afghanistan and Sport in Pakistan. Main articles: Religion in Afghanistan and Religion in Pakistan.

    Further information: Women's rights in Afghanistan and Women in Pakistan. Main article: List of Pashtuns. Retrieved 24 February Retrieved 26 May On the national level, Pushto stood second with Daily News and Analysis.

    Retrieved 21 February Interacting with mediapersons on Wednesday, Yasmin, the president of All India Pakhtoon Jirga-e-Hind, said that there were 32 lakh Phastoons in the country who were living and working in India but were yet to get citizenship.

    The News International. Retrieved 28 May Retrieved 15 March SIL International. Ethnologue : Languages of the World.

    Retrieved 5 May Retrieved 6 August Retrieved 17 April Australian Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved 2 June Total responses: 25,, for total count of persons: 19,, Northern Pashtuns in Malaysia.

    Tilastokeskuksen PX-Web tietokannat. Minahan, James The Pashtuns.. There is small Christian minority, mostly in Pakistan. Pakistan Today.

    Retrieved 31 May One can sense a diminutive yet charming cultural amalgamation in certain localities within the town with the settling of around Pashtun Sikh families in the city.

    The clash of fundamentalisms: crusades, jihads and modernity. Retrieved 20 April In the tribal areas — the no man's land between Afghanistan and Pakistan — quite a few Hindus stayed on and were protected by the tribal codes.

    The same was true in Afghanistan itself till the mujahidin and the Taliban arrived. The Hindu. Retrieved 9 February Arab News.

    The meat-eating Hindu Pashtuns are a little known tribe in India even today, with a distinct culture carried forward from Afghanistan and Balochistan which includes blue tattoos on the faces of the women, traditional Pashtun dancing and clothes heavily adorned with coins and embroidery.

    Bhattacharya, Ravik 15 February The Indian Express. Retrieved 31 December The Pathan Borderland. Retrieved 1 January The most familiar name in the west is Pathan, an Hindi term adopted by the British, which is usually applied only to the people living east of the Durand.

    World English Dictionary. Tribal populations and cultures of the Indian subcontinent. Leiden: E. Retrieved 22 July Abdul Hai Habibi.

    Retrieved 24 October Persian Literature in Translation. Packard Humanities Institute. Retrieved 10 January Cite error: The named reference "Ferishta" was defined multiple times with different content see the help page.

    British Library. Retrieved 10 September Pashtun, Pashto-speaking people residing primarily in the region that lies between the Hindu Kush in northeastern Afghanistan and the northern stretch of the Indus River in Pakistan The origins of the Pashtun are unclear.

    According to Pashtun tradition, they are descended from Afghana, grandson of King Saul of Israel, though most scholars believe it more likely that they arose from an intermingling of ancient Aryans from the north or west with subsequent invaders.

    United nations world data form. Joshua project. World atlas. A Historical Atlas of Afghanistan. The Rosen Publishing Group. Retrieved 17 October Retrieved 22 April Aurora Dawn.

    Retrieved 30 October Rowman Altamira. The Pashto-speaking tribesman who live in Afghanistan, where they are one of the main ethnic groups, and in Pakistan, where they are generally called by the variant term Pathan Hindi and Urdu.

    BBC News. Census of India. Archived from the original on 1 February Retrieved 17 March Archived from the original on 14 May Retrieved 30 January Cite error: The named reference "Indian Pathans" was defined multiple times with different content see the help page.

    Joshua Project. London School of Economics. Retrieved 6 June Frontline on PBS. Pakistan: nationalism without a nation?

    Zed Books. Retrieved 22 August UN university. Minority Rights Group. United Nations. Retrieved 10 October Retrieved 19 August Archived from the original on 31 October Retrieved 31 October Library of Congress.

    Library of Congress Country Studies on Afghanistan. August Archived from the original PDF on 8 April The History Files.

    Retrieved 16 August University of Texas at Austin. Retrieved 10 February A History of Afghanistan. Progress Publishers. The Pathans.

    Moscow: Ferozsons. Dictionary of Vedanta. The History of Herodotus. Translated by George Rawlinson. Volume 1.

    Crabtree Publishing Company. The Afghans. History of Pakistan: Pakistan through ages. Sang-e Meel Publications. Retrieved 22 November Afghanistan -a country without a state?

    The earliest mention of the name 'Afghan' Abgan is to be found in a Sasanid inscription from the third century AD, and it appears in India in the form of 'Avagana' Retrieved 27 September Pakistan: Dawn News.

    The Turkish dialect of the Khalaj. University of London. Archived from the original on 13 June Brill's first encyclopaedia of Islam, — Retrieved 24 September Travels in Asia and Africa, — reprint, illustrated ed.

    Sir H. London: Packard Humanities Institute. Archived from the original on 26 July By Mohan Lal , pg. Retrieved 24 March In a nutshell, Bellew's thesis is that all Afghan tribal names can be traced to Greek and Rajput names, which posits the further possibility of a great Greek mixing with the ancient border tribes of India.

    A general report on the Yusufzais. Sang-e-Meel Publications. Daily Times. Retrieved 1 December American International School of Kabul.

    Archived from the original on 30 August Retrieved 18 September Alexander took these away from the Aryans and established settlements of his own, but Seleucus Nicator gave them to Sandrocottus Chandragupta , upon terms of intermarriage and of receiving in exchange elephants.

    April Hum Genet. Retrieved 6 November Jewish Virtual Library. The Guardian. Browne, M. Retrieved 9 September Guha The Contemporary, Volume National Galvanizing Pvt.

    Notion Press. Ashfaqullah's father, Shafeequlla Khan, was a member of a Pathan military family. I Love India.

    Archived from the original PDF on 28 July The technocrat who sought to rebuild Afghanistan". National Geographic. Retrieved 13 March In the s and '90s, at least three million Afghans--mostly Pashtun--fled to Pakistan, where a substantial number spent several years being exposed to Hindustani-language media, especially Bollywood films and songs, and being educated in Urdu-language schools, both of which contributed to the decline of Dari, even among urban Pashtuns.

    The Express Tribune. Retrieved 26 June Pakistan Herald. Retrieved 9 August Ghulam Muhammad's 54th death anniversary today".

    Samaa TV. Retrieved 28 February S: Routledge. Famous Indians of the 21st century. Pustak Mahal. APH Publishing.

    K Educational thought. Anmol Publications PVT. Chennai, India. Retrieved 1 August Ruled now by parties of the religious right, the Frontier province emerges soon after one proceeds westwards from Islamabad.

    Once Badshah Khan's young lieutenant, Mr. Khattak spent years with him in Afghanistan and offered a host of memories.

    Commonwealth and Nehru. Vision Books. James Currey. He was visiting his cousin Mohammed Yunus, a Pathan who had chosen to move to Delhi at Partition and become a well-known figure in the Congress regime.

    Mohammad Yunus is belong to a rich and distinguished Pathan family and son of Haji Ghulam Samdani — Bibcode : PLoSO University of Pennsylvania.

    Retrieved 18 January Library of Congress Country Studies. The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 17 November Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies.

    Cambridge University Press. Islamic Voice. Houghton Mifflin Company. Retrieved 7 November Hindustan Times. Wahid Momand. Archived from the original on 5 November The Persian New Year explained".

    Middle east eye. Retrieved 11 May Human Rights Watch. Payne in Schmitt, p. Ishi Press International. Retrieved 18 February Santa Barbara, California.

    London: General Books. Historical Society of Afghanistan. Afghanistan Online. Archived from the original on 17 April The Boston Globe.

    AVT Khyber. Second Edition. Oxford University Press. The Encyclopedia of World Cricket. Cheltenham: SportsBooks.

    Buissness recorder. Sky Sports. Espn Cricinfo. The Telegraph. Retrieved 1 September Word Pandit. The New York Times. Retrieved 14 December Illinois Institute of Technology.

    Archived from the original on 8 December Before the emergence of Islam, the Pakhtuns were followers of Hinduism and Buddhism and considered music sacred, employing it in many religious rituals.

    Al Jazeera. Historically, Hinduism thrived in Afghanistan, particularly in Pashtun areas. Cornell University Press.

    At the time of the first Muslim advances, numerous local natural religions were competing with Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, and Hinduism in the territory of modern Afghanistan.

    Embassy in Kabul". The call to write. Pearson Longman. Sikh Pashtuns. Newsline Publications Pvt. October Archived from the original on 22 October Retrieved 7 June There is a small Sikh community in the largely ungoverned Orakzai tribal region, while a few live in Kurram's regional headquarters of Parachinar.

    They consider themselves "sons of the soil" — Pashtuns to be more specific — and are identified as such. Harvard University. BBC World Service.

    June Huma Ahmed-Ghosh. Aletta, Institute for Women's History. May Retrieved 2 December Retrieved 23 August She's a Pathan girl who speaks Hindi and Urdu well and was spectacular in the screen test.

    It was pure luck. CBS News. Performance of Emotion Among Paxtun Women. University of Texas Press. Agence France-Presse.

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